‘Not A Hausa Identity That Stands Against Anyone’: The Cause And Imperative Of The Hausa ‘Zalla’ Movement
The Oasis Reporters
August 14, 2026
By Aliyu Ammani.
The Hausa of Nigeria were conditioned with a deeply ingrained belief that in the whole of Nigeria, there is no people closer to them than the Fulani ethnic group.
When a Fulani is wronged anywhere, the Hausa feels the pain. When a Hausa meets a Fulani, he instinctively sees a brother. This kinship has meant that whenever the Fulani are involved in any issue — political, economic or cultural — many Hausa assume their interests are represented. The thought that a Fulani brother could deceive or harm them rarely enters their minds.
Nowhere has the Fulani enjoyed greater acceptance in Nigeria than in Hausaland. Here, they have grazed cattle, settled, traded and lived without being treated as outsiders. Many traditional rulers, Islamic scholars and political leaders in Hausaland are Fulani. The ordinary Hausa person has regarded them not as strangers, but as brothers.
Then came the crisis.
When armed Fulani operating from forests in Southern Kaduna, Benue, Plateau and elsewhere began attacking communities under the pretext of self-defence, many Hausa instinctively rallied to their defence. Instead of asking who was right, some searched for excuses. They blamed ethnic prejudice. They blamed hatred of Islam. They blamed the communities being attacked, not the attackers.
We became so afraid of being accused of betraying our Fulani brothers that we grew reluctant to condemn Fulani criminals. In trying to defend the Fulani from stereotyping, we forgot that refusing to distinguish between the innocent and the guilty also wrongs the innocent.
When Fulani bandits started attacking Hausa communities, the first reaction was denial. Today that denial is no longer tenable. There is hardly anywhere in Nigeria where armed Fulani operating from forests have terrorised communities with such persistence and impunity as in parts of Hausaland. This forces every honest Hausa to ask: How did those who were supposed to be our brothers become those whom we now need protection from?
In my article in the Daily Trust of September 14, 2022, I identified two glaring realities.
FIRST, the Bororo Fulani, Fillanin Daji, banditry against essentially Hausa populations. The result has been destruction of lives and property, maiming, rape, looting and kidnapping for ransom. Thousands of towns and villages were sacked. Free citizens were pushed back toward conditions of fear and displacement. Able-bodied men were abducted, sometimes inside mosques on Fridays, (a day of congregational prayers for Muslims worldwide).
The perpetrators declare openly that they are Fulani, fighting for the Fulani against the Hausa. This is documented in BBC Africa Eye’s The Bandit Warlords of Zamfara, Trust TV’s Nigeria’s Banditry: The Inside Story, and in video coverage of Dr. Ahmad Gumi’s meeting with bandits at Shinkafi.
SECOND, the response of city-dwelling Fulani, including some traditional and religious leaders in Hausaland. Instead of publicly dissociating from Bush Fulani atrocities or stating clearly that terrorists like Bello Turji, Dogo Gide and Ado Aleru do not represent the Fulani, many offered excuses: “their cattle were rustled”, “cattle routes were blocked”, “the Fulani are not alone in this”, “the Fulani are neglected”.
Not one major traditional ruler in core Hausaland took an impartial public stand like the Emir of Muri. Even Miyetti Allah, quick to defend Bush Fulani interests, went quiet.
The impression created was this: while Bush Fulani terrorise Hausa populations, some city Fulani manufacture justifications for those atrocities.
Can banditry be justified in Hausaland, a land where Fulani hold many of the most important traditional, political and religious offices? Even in Hausa settlements outside Hausaland, the Sarakunan (kings) Hausawa are, in most cases, Fulani. The Fulani should be the last to attack the Hausa or rebel in Hausaland.
The Hausa, conditioned to believe his back was covered by the Fulani, now feels betrayed. The writing on the wall is clear: “YOU ARE ON YOUR OWN.”
Faced with an existential threat and a breach of trust, the Hausa had no option but to look inwards. That is what sparked the Hausa identity consciousness reawakening that we see today.
Only the Hausa can save the Hausa. That is the immediate cause of this movement.
Some deny this truth. Out of primordial sentiments, they sympathise with bandits and see them as freedom fighters rather than criminals. To cover this, they spread lies that the movement is sponsored by enemies of Islam, Arewa, or Hausa-Fulani. They prefer a convenient lie to a truth that is now glaring to many Hausa.
This is the cause many of us are committed to. It is the cause that bandits’ sympathisers call divisive, anti-Islam, anti-Fulani and anti-Arewa, because it exposes them.
In truth, this cause stands for justice, dignity, and the right of Hausa people to live in peace and security within a united Nigeria.
But the roots of our crisis run deeper than insecurity. There is also religious blackmail. Consider the malicious proverb, ‘asalin Bahaushe Bamaguje’ – meaning “the origin of the Hausa is a pagan.” It is not history. It is a psychological weapon. It is used to shame any Hausa who takes pride in his heritage. Being labelled a ‘Bamaguje’ is treated as one of the deepest insults.
The result is hesitation. Many Hausa avoid embracing their identity for fear of being shamed over ancestral religious affiliations. A Yoruba, Igbo, Idoma or Kilba can declare his identity without being reminded of his ancestors’ paganism. But a Hausa who says “I am Hausa” is often dragged into a defensive argument.
Under this pressure, our collective consciousness fractured. To avoid saying “I am Hausa”, people hide behind locality labels: Ɗan Arewa, Bakano, Bakatsine, Bazazzagi. These are ethnic-blind terms that anyone from that area can use, regardless of ethnicity. Others adopt alternative ethnic labels: “My grandmother was Fulani, so I am Fulani.” Or more outrageously: “I am Hausa-Fulani.”
Labels like Maguzawa and Ƴan Bazata have been weaponized to intimidate Hausa who take pride in their heritage.
The effect: Muslim Hausa hesitate to claim the identity fully, and non-Muslim Hausa are made to feel like second-class members of their own heritage. While Hausaland, its language and culture remain, fewer Hausa claim that legacy.
That vacuum leaves Fulani claims to land and culture unchallenged. Little wonder some now question whether the Hausa exist as a people.
This identity deficit is why the Hausa Identity Consciousness Reawakening Movement is necessary.
Let me be clear. We do not seek to hate anyone. We do not diminish Islam. Most of us are Muslims. We do not deny centuries of intermarriage and scholarship. Our goal is to restore balance.
In Hausaland it is normal for a Fulani to declare his heritage, even if he speaks only Hausa. That is fine. If a Fulani can be proud of his identity while living peacefully among Hausa, why can a Hausa not do the same?
Many Hausa, conditioned since the Fulani jihad of 1804, have not come to terms with who they are. This is why it was easy to hide behind umbrella terms like Arewa and Hausa-Fulani.
The Hausa Reawakening Movement rejects the “Hausa-Fulani” label. The hyphen has too often been used to erase Hausa identity.
Dropping it sends two signals. First, no more automatic faith in Fulani hegemony. Second, the era of ‘zaman-kara-zubanci’ (living with no sense of direction or purpose. and ‘bita-zai-zai’ (following blindly) is over. Moving forward, the Hausa are open to alliances with all Nigerian tribes or ethnic groups, not necessarily the Fulani by default, based strictly on mutual benefit, mutual respect, and mutual interest.
Other myths also weaken us. Take for instance, intermarriage. Some claim that intermarriage, especially with the Fulani, has caused the Hausa majority to dissolve into the minority, a mathematical and sociological miracle where, with apologies to chemistry, the solvent politely dissolves itself into the solute. Intermarriage occurs everywhere, but it does not erase ethnic identity.
People can share ancestry, religion, and customs while retaining distinct identities. Just as a Fulani person is free to say, “I am Fulani,” a Hausa person must be equally free to say, “I am Hausa.” There is zero contradiction.
The Hausa possess one of Africa’s richest civilizations in urbanism, commerce, scholarship and statecraft. We owe it to ourselves to awaken to that dignity.
However, the identity we seek to revive must be inclusive. It must embrace Muslim and non-Muslim Hausa alike. It must never transform into a toxic doctrine of superiority over the Yoruba, Igbo, Fulani, or any other ethnic group. What we advocate is self-respect, not hostility.
Consciousness alone, however, is not enough. If the Hausa are to attain justice, they must build strength. Strength requires unity, and unity requires the discipline of organization rooted in historical self-awareness.
We must stop wasting precious time making desperate appeals to the powerful while remaining collectively weak. Our energy must go toward building robust institutions and improving education, preserving our language, arts, and documented history, developing human capital and organizing around legitimate collective interests, and promoting peaceful coexistence with neighbours including the Fulani on a foundation of mutual respect rather than dependency.
Our vision of tomorrow is clear. The uncritical, non-conscious Hausa of today must give way to the conscious Hausa of tomorrow: a person who stands upright, fully aware of their identity, history, and rights. A Hausa who does not need to apologise for being Hausa.
We do not seek a Hausa identity that stands against anyone. We seek an identity strong enough to stand on its own. Because ultimately, a people who do not consciously define themselves will inevitably allow others to define them.
Aliyu Ammani is a Professor of Agricultural Economics at NAERLS, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria
